Ces différents plans de sauvetage entraînent des appréhensions quant aux chances de réussite du  cycle de négociations commerciales de Doha. Plusieurs pays émergents de l’Organisation
mondiale du commerce (OMC) ont déclaré leurs inquiétudes quant aux conséquences néfastes  des plans de sauvetage astronomiques prévus par les pays développés ces plans ne manqueront pas de créer, selon eux, de graves “distorsions” commerciales. Ces pays en développement membres de l’OMC demandent un examen plus approfondi de ces plans lors d’une réunion sur les politiques commerciales des 153 pays membres de l’OMC face à la crise. La Bolivie, l’Argentine, Cuba ou encore l’Inde sont à la tête de ces pays, “Je suis sûre que ces mesures (les plans de sauvetage, ndlr) créent des distorsions”, a expliqué l’ambassadrice de la Bolivie auprès de l’OMC, Angelica Navarro. L’ambassadeur brésilien est allé dans le même sens estimant que ces plans “peuvent avoir des effets énormes sur le commerce”. “Ils augmentent les capacités (de production) de leurs industries de telle  manière que les pays en développement ne sont pas en mesure de les concurrencer”, a-t-il insisté.

Il est posé la question de la compatibilité des plans de sauvetage avec le système de l’OMC, il faut selon Mme Navarro les analyser plus précisément, pour  déterminer s’ils sont “compatibles avec les règles de l’OMC”. Il est donc claire qu’il y’a un fort besoin de
”clarifications ” pour reprendre les termes de l’ambassadeur de l’Inde. Selon le rapport, commandité par le DG,  les membres de l’OMC “ont réussi à contrôler les pressions intérieures protectionnistes”.

Il souligne toutefois que les “actions les plus significatives”, sont “les soutiens financiers” aux secteurs bancaire et financier, essentiellement parmi les pays de l’Organisation pour la coopération et le développement économique (OCDE).

The plan came from the fifth round of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the US and China, which have held biannual meetings since 2006. This meeting was the final economic talk between the two before the inauguration of US president-elect Barack Obama, and the last time that Henry Paulson, a Chinese favourite, represented the US as Treasury Secretary.

”At this time of unpredictability in our world, high-level engagement with China must be a constant,” said Max Baucus, chairman of the US Senate Finance Committee, in an appeal to Obama to continue the talks.

”A better dialogue will be one that addresses agriculture trade problems, like China’s beef ban, as well as goods and services trade,” Baucus added.

Chinese economic stimulus plans further incorporated a provision that would temporarily permit local arms of foreign banks to receive loans from affiliates abroad in order to increase their cash on hand. And both nations reiterated promises to resist protectionism.

The meeting also established seven accords to promote cooperation on projects to promote energy and environmental conservation. The two nations are the world’s biggest polluters.

China topped Japan as the largest foreign holder of US bonds in September, and the current crisis has only served to underscore the close economic connection between the nations.

”The ground has shifted on both sides of the Pacific and it has become more important than ever for these two economies to get their bilateral relationship strait,” said Eswar Prasad of the Brookings institution.

But though both sides praised the accomplishments of the meeting, there were many criticisms as well, often stemming from the current financial crisis.

Paulson urged China to let the yuan appreciate-not a surprising request considering the widespread criticism that Beijing has been purposefully devaluing its currency. But China may face obstacles in achieving this goal. Many exporters in China may blame Beijing for weaker business sales if they allow the yuan to strengthen, according to Paulson.

But Beijing had a few requests of its own. China’s central bank governor, Zhou Xiaochuan, said that US financial excesses were to blame for the current financial crisis, and Wang said that the US should work to stabilise its own economic problems, including excessive consumption and debt. Analysts say that such comments reflect China’s growing influence and assertiveness in the economic relationship between the two giants.

According to Donald Straszheim of Straszheim Global Advisors, the agreements were “probably really just a favour [from the Chinese] to secretary Paulson… to give him something that he’s accomplished near the end of his term. To expect any real substantive breakthrough at a time like this, when it’s Bush officials on the way out rather than Obama officials on the way in, is unrealistic.”

Indeed, Zhou wasn’t even in town for the meeting. Instead, he opted to meet with Timothy Geitner, the Obama administration’s pick for Treasury Secretary.

ICTSD reporting; “US, China Promise $20 billion to finance trade,” ASSOCIATED PRESS, December 5, 2008; “A Mixed Ending for Paulson in China,” WALL STREET JOURNAL, December 5, 2008; “China, US promise $20 billion for trade,” ASSOCIATED PRESS, December 5, 2008; “China, US deepen Financial Ties, Aid Global Trade,” BLOOMBERG, December 5, 2008; “China, US, Vow to Work Together to Help Global Economy,” VOICE OF AMERICA, December 5, 2008.

Meeting from 6-10 October in London, the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) 58th session on the Marine Environment Protection Committee (MEPC) also adopted tough new sulphur oxide, nitrogen oxide and particulate matter targets and updated regulations for managing ballast water – seawater used by vessels to provide stability. The Committee further agreed on a new ship breaking treaty, which will be officially adopted at a special high-level conference in May next year, and then goes to ratification.

IMO taking the lead on carbon emissions from ships?

The MEPC is continuing to move ahead with discussions on how to tackle greenhouse gas emissions from ships. While some countries feel the IMO is the right forum to take on this work, others feel it should be handled within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC; see Bridges Biores,  18 April 2008).

Among the most complex issues within the negotiations, which was discussed at the MEPC, is the question of how to account for common but differentiated responsibilities among countries. This principle is deeply rooted within the UNFCCC context, where it is clear that those countries that bear the historical burden of climate change and have the means to pay for mitigation should take the lead, supporting developing countries in their mitigation and adaptation efforts. The IMO has traditionally taken a pragmatic approach, working closely with the regulated industries to get things done. In terms of regulating greenhouse gases, three quarters of ships carry ‘non-Annex I’, or developing country flags – often even if operated by developed country companies. In addition, the process of changing flags is relatively easy and frequent.

In addition to discussions on who should take on commitments, participants considered whether these should be voluntary or mandatory. They agreed on an Energy Efficiency Design Index for new ships and an energy efficiency operational index for existing ones; on an efficiency management plan suitable for ships; and on a voluntary code on best practice in energy efficient ship operations. These new measures will help operators cut energy use, and companies evaluate the greenhouse gas impacts of the shipping element of their operations.

Regarding the new Energy Efficiency Design Index, Lee Adamson, spokesperson for the IMO, said “It is an extremely complicated equation. But essentially it establishes an energy efficiency baseline for different types of ships and help designers work out how to improve the energy efficiency of their designs.”

The IMO will continue its work on curbing greenhouse gas emissions during an intersessional meeting in early 2009 and at the MEPC scheduled for July 2009. The results will feed into the UNFCCC Copenhagen conference in December of that year. According to some observers, the IMO is racing to come up with its own plan in order to avoid being regulated by the UNFCCC.

Following the MEPC meeting, some environmental groups felt too little progress had been made on curbing greenhouse gas emissions among the bickering around who should do what.

Tougher sulphur, nitrogen oxide controls

The MEPC adopted an amendment to the MARPOL Convention, which serves to prevent pollution at sea. MARPOL Annex VI Regulations for the Prevention of Air Pollution from Ships are being updated to require parties to gradually reduce sulphur dioxides in shipping fuels. In 2012, the allowed concentration will be at a 3.5 percent maximum, dropping to 0.5 percent in 2020. Fuels used in certain sensitive areas – usually around heavily populated ports –will be subject to even stricter limits.

These changes will enter into force on 1 July 2010. Noting the global scope of the new regulations, Janea Scott of the Environmental Defense Fund said “This newly adopted international regulation will ensure that all ships, both domestic and foreign, are held to the same rigorous emissions standards.”

Recycling convention set for adoption

A draft convention on the safe recycling of ships has been in the works within the MEPC – in close cooperation with the International Labour Organisation and the Basel Convention on Trans-boundary Movement of Hazardous Waste – since 2000. The issue has been controversial, since some developing countries with established scrapping facilities that provide sorely needed jobs and incomes have been hesitant to see too much regulation or the banning of these activities.

Ships often contain numerous hazardous materials, such as asbestos, heavy metals and hydrocarbons. Under the new convention, the recycling and scrapping practices will be clearly regulated. Ships set for recycling will have to carry inventories of hazardous materials, the new Convention provides guidance as to how to construct, operate and maintain ships to facilitate recycling at the end of its life. Certain hazardous substances will be banned in ship construction and servicing. In addition, ship recycling yards will have to have recycling plans in place, which can be verified by the authorities.

IMO Secretary-General Efthimios Mitropoulos commented that the new Convention represents “a major milestone in IMO’s quest to ensure that ships reaching the end of their operational lives do not pose any unnecessary risk to human health and safety and the environment.”

Background

The worldwide fleet of 90,000 ships transports 90 percent of the world’s goods. According to new IMO estimates, shipping contributes 2.7 percent of carbon dioxide emissions, up from a previous estimate of 1.8 percent. Shipping has grown by three percent annually on average over the last three decades, and shipping emissions are projected to grow as global trade expands. According to Intertanko, the global association of tanker owners, they are set to rise by a further 30 percent by 2020, and shipping will become one of the main sources of greenhouse gas emissions, following land transport, housing, agriculture and industry.

In the last couple of decades, the international community has taken steps to reduce emissions from other sectors, but the shipping industry has been left behind. The ships are mostly powered by large diesel engines using dirty ‘bunker’ or ‘residual’ fuel. Efficiency and environmental standards on shipping fuel have been largely ignored due to the distance between the ships and the externalities they create.

“Shipping starts to clean up its act,” ENERGY EFFICIENCY NEWS, 13 October 2008; “IMO Environmental Meeting Finalizes Draft of Ship Scrapping Program,” RECYCLING TODAY MAGAZINE, 13 October 2008; “New ships to get green performance gauge” BUSINESS GREEN, 14 October 2008; “Tough Global Limits Imposed on Air Pollution from Large Ships,” ENS, 13 October 2008; “Major progress on air pollution, ship recycling and ballast water management at IMO environment meeting,” IMO RELEASE, 13 October 2008.

”We will formally be signing the FTA with ASEAN around December 18,” the Minister of State for Commerce, Jairam Ramesh, said at a seminar on the India-ASEAN free trade deal, reported the Economic Times. It is expected that the agreement will be signed between India and ASEAN’s 10 member nations at the India-ASEAN Summit in Bangkok.

Ramesh said India had shown “remarkable flexibility” in negotiating the trade deal, reported Reuters, despite having a trade deficit with the ASEAN bloc. India’s exports to ASEAN were US$16 billion in 2007-2008, while its imports reached US$24 billion.

The trade deal, which was concluded last month after four years of negotiations, will come into force 1 January 2009, opening a market that comprises combined population of over 1.7 billion and a gross domestic product of almost US$2.4 trillion. Under the agreement import tariffs will be reduced or eliminated on 71 percent of traded goods by the end of 2012, and on another 9 percent three years later.

Negotiations stumbled last year over a list of 1,400 ’sensitive items’ India wanted to exclude from the trade deal. However, the list has been reduced to 489 items and the import tariffs on those - now in the range of eight to 10 percent - are scheduled to be reduced to five percent by 2015.

While the trade deal does not cover trade in services and investment, talks on these are expected to begin soon.

Trade between India and the ASEAN nations - Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malasyia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam - reached US$38.4 billion in the 2007-2008 fiscal year.

ICTSD reporting; “India-ASEAN to sign trade pact on Dec 18: Ramesh,” THE ECONOMIC TIMES, 29 September, 2008; “India to sign ASEAN trade deal mid-Dec - minister,” REUTERS, 29 September, 2008; “India, ASEAN conclude free trade agreement,” XINHUA, 29 August, 2008.

Не совсем понятен статус соглашения, которое заключено ЕС и группой 11 латиноамериканских стран. ЕС, который согласился снизить импортные пошлины на бананы на 62 евро за тонну в течение семи лет, настаивает теперь, что это согласие было частью переговоров раунда Доха. Таким образом, отсутствие договоренности по раунду, по мнению ЕС, означает, что соглашение по бананам находится под вопросом. Однако страны Латинской Америки придерживаются другой точки зрения. Например, Колумбия считает, что согласие ЕС по режиму импорта бананов должно рассматриваться как совершенно отдельное соглашение.
 
Источники: сообщения МЦТУР

WTO成员方纷纷表示不会放弃多哈谈判，也不愿放弃他们在过去9天高密度谈判中已经为达成削减关税和农业补贴协议所取得的进展。

周三早晨，WTO总干事拉米（Pascal Lamy）对贸易谈判委员会（TNC）表示：“我们[本来]很快就能达成农业和[非农产品市场准入]谈判模式。”拉米指的是各国政府希望达成的削减关税和补贴的协议框架。拉米说，虽然会谈最终在“特殊保障机制（SSM）”下发展中国家可以何种程度保护其农民不受进口激增的影响问题上搁浅，但是此次会议为“大量长期以来棘手的问题找到了解决办法”。

拉米呼吁成员方“认真思考我们是否以及何时可以跨越那些本周未能克服的障碍”。

拉米承认，也许在各国可以决定如何继续多哈议程前“有障碍需要扫除”，同时他也敦促各成员方保留在会谈中就“农业和NAMA[以及其他方面]取得的进展”。拉米说：“这是WTO成员方花了大量时间进行谈判和严肃政治投资的结果，不应该被浪费。”

几个WTO成员对本次小型部长会谈以失败告终表示失望，这是近三年夏季会谈的第三次失败。

在TNC会议召开前，肯尼亚副总理肯雅塔（Uhuru Kenyatta）代表非洲WTO成员对记者表示，在此次峰会上“大部分与非洲国家利益相关的关键议题根本没有得到讨论”，特别是被要求大幅削减补贴的棉花问题。“非洲特别需要通过建立公平贸易的秩序，而不是援助，来实现发展、摆脱贫困，”他说，“由于此次谈判缺乏进展，非洲获得公平贸易的机会受到严重损害。”

7月30日的另一次新闻发布会上，美国贸易代表施瓦布（Susan Schwab）和印度商务部长纳斯（Kamal Nath）互相暗示，无法接受对方在SSM问题上的立场。但是双方都强调了WTO的重要性，并呼吁为谈判扫清道路。

中国驻WTO使团副常驻代表李恩恒公使在TNC会议上说：“主要发达国家成员特别应该在谈判中起到真正的领导作用，而不是忙于从事那些无益的活动把责任转嫁到其他成员身上（包括通过媒体）。”美国曾暗示中国和印度应该为会谈破裂负责。

但是，总的来说，各成员方都赞同拉米，表示不希望“放弃”全球贸易会谈。

然而，如何把谈判带回正轨仍不明确。拉米曾宣布，农业和工业品贸易委员会主席不久会发布“最新情况”报告，汇报会谈破裂前取得的进展。

但是，情况仍然不明朗。阿根廷方面指出，他们不愿意在目前谈判文本基础上展开工作，特别在非农业市场准入方面。一些代表团对拉米在7月25日提出的折中参数表示不满。鉴于某些国家（特别是美国）寻求把拉米方案作为“神圣的”或者“要么接受要么拒绝”的一揽子方案，一些成员对这个事实也表示不满。

关于将来，美国贸易代表施瓦布在周三的新闻发布会上表示，她可以考虑一种更加渐进的谈判方式。施瓦布说“方案中有一些部分已磋商、或者即将达成共识、或者已经达成共识，我认为我们可以在这些方面继续前进”，并列举了几项，比如为最不发达国家提供免关税免配额的市场准入、出口竞争、贸易便利化以及环境货物和服务等。

要在分门别类的基础上继续推动会谈需要全部WTO成员方协商一致的决议。这可能很难，因为各国政府对各个特定的议题赋予的重要程度不同。印度部长纳斯表示，对多哈回合方案分而治之会有阻力，因为WTO有“一揽子承诺”的传统，即“除非一致同意，否则就是不同意”。纳斯说：“WTO不是自助餐——拿了自己想要的就走人。”

关于欧盟和拉丁美洲11国之间香蕉贸易协议的情况也不明朗。虽然欧盟已经承诺在7年中逐步降低其香蕉关税，降幅为62欧元/吨。但是欧盟坚持称，该承诺是多哈回合会谈的一部分，现在没有达成多哈协议，所以这个承诺的有效性悬而未决。然而，拉丁美洲香蕉出口国却不这么认为。哥伦比亚周三对WTO成员方称，他们认为香蕉协议是欧盟和拉丁美洲之间十几年贸易争端的结果，因而是一个可以单独生效的协议。

ICTSD报道。

（ICTSD中国项目助理黄震乾翻译）

Pascal Lamy, Diretor-Geral da OMC, afirmou, durante a última reunião do Comitê de Negociações Comercias (TNC, sigla em inglês), que os Membros estiveram muito perto de finalizar as modalidades em agricultura e acesso a mercado de bens não agrícolas (NAMA, sigla em inglês). Lamy indicou que mesmo que as negociações tenham fracassado, soluções foram encontradas para inúmeras questões problemáticas que durante anos não foram resolvidas. Tais progressos representam muitas horas de negociação e investimento político por parte de todos os Membros da OMC e, por isso, não devem ser desperdiçados.
 
Lamy pediu aos Membros que reflitam seriamente sobre como e quando poderão superar os obstáculos que não puderam ser resolvidos nesta ministerial. Entretanto, ele afirmou ser importante que “a poeira abaixe” antes que os Membros decidam sobre como proceder com a agenda de Doha.

Diversos Membros expressaram sua frustração com relação ao recente colapso da reunião mini-ministerial. Este foi o terceiro fracasso consecutivo dos últimos três anos.
 
Uhuru Kenyatta, Vice-Primeiro Ministro do Quênia, afirmou, em nome do Grupo Africano, que a maioria dos temas de interesse para eles não foi abordada ao longo das reuniões, especialmente no que tange ao algodão – produto criticado por receber cortes tarifários mais profundos que o normal. Uhuru Kenyatta ressaltou, ainda, que o que a África precisa é de um comércio mais justo para desenvolver-se e sair da pobreza, e não de ajuda externa. Para ele, a oportunidade de alcançar tal comércio justo foi seriamente debilitada pela falta de progresso nas negociações.
 
Durante uma entrevista coletiva em 30 de julho, a Representante Comercial dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA), Susan Schwab, e o Ministro indiano de Comércio, Kamal Nath, acusaram-se mutuamente de intransigência com relação ao mecanismo de salvaguarda especial (SSM, sigla em inglês). Ambos ressaltaram, entretanto, a importância da OMC e afirmaram que as negociações devem prosseguir.
 
Para o Vice-Ministro de Comércio da China, Li Enheng, os maiores Membros desenvolvidos precisam liderar genuinamente as negociações e não delegar suas responsabilidades a outros Membros (EUA concluíram que China e Índia foram os responsáveis pelo colapso).
 
O caminho que levará as negociações de volta aos trilhos ainda é incerto. Lamy anunciou que os presidentes dos comitês de negociação de agricultura e NAMA publicarão, em breve, relatórios com a situação atual da Rodada Doha. Os textos devem apresentar os progressos alcançados antes do fracasso da mini-ministerial.
 
 
Entretanto, os documentos não serão simples de produzir: a Argentina indicou que não pretende trabalhar com base em textos que ainda se encontram na mesa de negociações, especialmente NAMA; outros Membros também expressaram desacordo em relação à proposta de um pacote de compromissos feita por Lamy em 25 de julho passado, bem como em relação à posição de certos Membros (em particular os EUA) de tentar apresentar a proposta como um pacote único.
 
Quanto ao futuro, Schwab afirmar estar aberta a abordar as negociações passo a passo. A representante comercial estadunidense também afirmou que as partes do acordo que foram negociadas ou quase totalmente negociadas, ou ainda, onde há consenso (como acesso livre de quotas e tarifas para países de menor desenvolvimento relativo, concorrência de exportações, facilitação de comércio e serviços e bens ambientas) ainda podem ver progresso. 

A escolha de continuar as negociações com base em desacordos requer uma decisão consensual por parte de todos os Membros da OMC, o que pode ser difícil tendo em conta os diferentes níveis de importância que os diversos governos dão a temas específicos. Kamal Nath indicou que haveria resistência ao processo de desmantelamento do pacote de Doha, dado o princípio tradicional de “single undertaking” da Organização, de acordo com o qual “nada está acordado até que tudo esteja acordado”. Nath afirmou, ainda, que “a OMC não é um buffet no qual cada um escolhe o que quer”.
 
Outro tema também incerto diz respeito ao acordo de bananas entre a União Européia (UE) e 11 países latino-americanos. A UE – que havia prometido reduzir suas tarifas à banana para 62 euros por tonelada em sete anos – insiste no fato de que tal acordo fazia parte das negociações da Rodada Doha e que, portanto, na ausência de um acordo, é agora incerto. Os exportadores de banana latino-americanos, entretanto, enxergam a questão de maneira diferente. Nesta quarta-feira, a Colômbia afirmou aos demais Membros da OMC que considera o acordo separadamente do pacote de Doha.
 
Tradução de BRIDGES Daily Update n. 11, 30 jul. 2008.

Los Miembros de la OMC expresaron su deseo de no abandonar las negociaciones de la Ronda de Doha, ni de perder el avance que se había logrado durante nueve días intensos de discusiones hacia un acuerdo para reducir los aranceles y los subsidios agrícolas.

“Estuvimos muy cerca de finalizar las modalidades en agricultura y [acceso a los mercados para los productos no agrícolas (AMNA)]”, expresó el Director General de la OMC, Pascal Lamy, el miércoles por la mañana al Comité de Negociaciones Comerciales (CNC), en referencia a los acuerdos marco que los gobiernos estaban esperanzados en lograr. Mencionó que “a una inmensa cantidad de problemas que no se pudieron resolver por años se les encontró solución”, aunque en última instancia las negociaciones colapsaron ante la posibilidad de que los países en desarrollo pudiesen proteger a sus agricultores de importaciones masivas mediante el mecanismo de salvaguardia especial (MSE).

Lamy llamó a los Miembros “a reflexionar seriamente sobre si –y cuándo- podr[ían] sortear el obstáculo de lo que no fue posible esta semana”. Reconoció que tal vez era necesario que se aplacaran los ánimos un poco antes de que los países pudieran decidir cómo continuar con la agenda de Doha, pero animó a los Miembros a mantener “el avance” que se había obtenido en agricultura y AMNA, y en otras áreas de las negociaciones. “Esto representa miles de horas de negociación y una seria inversión política de todos los Miembros de la OMC”, manifestó. “Esto no se debe desperdiciar”, resaltó.

Varios Miembros se mostraron desilusionados por el abrupto fracaso de la reunión mini-ministerial; el tercero en los últimos tres veranos.

En nombre del Grupo Africano, Uhuru Kenyatta, Vice Primer Ministro de Kenia, expresó a los periodistas antes de la reunión del CNC que “la mayoría de los asuntos clave para el continente africano ni siquiera se habían discutido” en la cumbre, particularmente el algodón, donde se esperan reducciones a los subsidios por encima de lo normal. “África necesita, de manera crítica, alcanzar el desarrollo y salir por sí misma de la pobreza a través de un comercio justo, más que por medio de la ayuda”, manifestó. “Por ello, la oportunidad de África de lograr un comercio justo ha sido gravemente socavada por la falta de progreso en estas negociaciones”.

En conferencias de prensa separadas el 30 de julio, Susan Schwab, Representante de Comercio de EE.UU.,y el Ministro de Comercio de la India, Kamal Nath, intercambiaron insinuaciones de que el otro había adoptado posturas inaceptables en el MSE. Sin embargo, ambos fueron enfáticos en la importancia de la OMC, y pidieron un camino despejado para las negociaciones.

El Representante Permanente Alterno del Ministerio de Comercio Chino, Li Enheng, expresó en la reunión del CNC que “los Miembros más desarrollados necesitan manifestar liderazgo legítimo en las negociaciones, en lugar de actividades sin provecho, con vistas a transferir responsabilidades a otros, incluso a través de los medios de comunicación”.EE.UU. ha insinuado que China y la India habían sido los responsables de la ruptura de las negociaciones.

En general los Miembros han expresado por medio de Lamy, su deseo de “no tirar la toalla” con respecto a las conversaciones del comercio mundial. No obstante, los pasos a seguir para encarrilar las negociaciones son inciertos. Lamy anunció que los presidentes de los comités de comercio de bienes agrícolas e industriales pronto emitirán reportes acerca del “estado-del-juego” con miras a rescatar el progreso que se había alcanzado antes de que las conversaciones se rompieran.

Pero incluso ese paso no será definitivo. Argentina destacó que no estaba dispuesta a trabajar bajo los términos de los textos que actualmente se encuentran sobre la mesa, en especial en AMNA. Varias delegaciones han expresado su descontento con algunos de los parámetros del compromiso que Lamy presentó a los Miembros el 25 de julio, así como con el hecho de que ciertos países, en particular EE.UU., pretendían presentarlos como algo “sacrosanto” o como un paquete de “tomarlo o dejarlo”.

En cuanto al futuro, Schwab sugirió el miércoles durante una conferencia de prensa, que estaba abierta a adoptar un enfoque gradual en las conversaciones. Hay “algunas partes del paquete que ya han sido negociadas o que están casi negociadas, o donde existe consenso, que considero podríamos mover hacia adelante”, declaró. Lo anterior tentativamente identificando los temas de acceso libre de aranceles y de contingentes para los países menos adelantados, competencia de las exportaciones, facilitación del comercio, y bienes y servicios ambientales.

La decisión de continuar con las negociaciones en partes separadas requeriría del consenso de los Miembros de la OMC. Esto podría ser difícil dado los diferentes grados de importancia que los distintos gobiernos asignan a ciertos temas. El Ministro de la India Nath, dio a entender que sería difícil desmantelar el paquete de la Ronda de Doha dada la tradición institucional del enfoque de ‘todo único’, según el cual ‘no hay acuerdo sobre nada hasta que no haya acuerdo en todo’. “La OMC no es un buffet en el que usted escoge lo que quiere y se va”, indicó.

Tampoco está claro el estado del acuerdo sobre el comercio del banano que se había conseguido entre la UE y los países latinoamericanos. La UE, quien mediante ese acuerdo había prometido reducir sus aranceles en 62 € por tonelada en un periodo de siete años, insiste en que dicho pacto era parte de las conversaciones de la Ronda de Doha, con lo cual, en ausencia de un acuerdo sobre Doha, el pacto carece de validez. No obstante, los exportadores latinoamericanos de banano ven el asunto de forma diferente. Colombia expresó este miércoles a los Miembros que considera que el acuerdo bananero, surgido tras más de una década de disputas comerciales entre Bruselas y los latinoamericanos, es un acuerdo autónomo de los resultados de la Ronda de Doha.